The issue aroused the interest of people throughout the ROC, with the manner in which the referendum was conducted and its eventual result seen as having significant implications for the nation’s democratic development.
Out of Penghu’s 73,651 registered voters, just over 42 percent cast ballots, with 17,359, or 56.44 percent, against the proposal and 13,397, or 43.56 percent, in support. The result came as a surprise to those who assumed that securing a “yes” vote in the referendum was a sure bet. After all, Penghu’s pro-gambling faction was backed by international and local business interests, as well as the central government and several local politicians.
However, not everyone connected with the ruling Kuomintang supported the plan. On Sept. 17, Control Yuan President Wang Chien-shien, an individual whose views carry significant moral weight, said a “disaster” would strike Penghu if casinos were allowed to open there.
Echoing Wang’s remarks, Democratic Progressive Party Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen urged Penghu’s voters to reject gaming Sept. 21. But it was a coalition of non-governmental organizations and religious groups that deserves credit for the upset.
By rebutting several of the claims made by the pro-gambling side, and bringing in experts from overseas whose statements were widely quoted by the local media, the coalition was able to undermine casino proponents’ core argument that gaming would bring economic benefits for the majority of residents.
But Penghu is not the only place in Taiwan where there is a drive to open casinos, although current national laws give it a head start. As opponents of gaming point out, a successful casino would almost certainly lead to other parts of the ROC trying to enter the sector, and that any prosperity gained from gambling could be ephemeral.
Some potential candidates, such as Kinmen County, make more sense than Penghu as gambling enclaves. Kinmen’s proximity to the lucrative mainland market has long been recognized by local politicians and overseas investors as a major drawcard, with Macau casino king Stanley Ho already sending out feelers to local government officials.
For Penghu residents, a major issue that prompted waverers to vote “no” was the fear of increased crime. The archipelago currently has one of the lowest crime rates in the ROC. Few homes have burglar bars on their windows. Doors are often left unlocked. An influx of outsiders would perhaps threaten social order.
If gambling in Penghu did turn out to be a runaway success, it would likely cause problems for locals, among them sky-high real estate prices. In addition, the islands barely have enough water for permanent residents and current tourists, let alone dozens of additional hotels accommodating gamblers. Handling the waste produced by extra visitors would also be difficult.
The owners of homestays, restaurants, and businesses that rent motorcycles and water-sports equipment to holiday makers realized that Penghu’s existing tourist industry would be jeopardized if the area suffered environmental degradation.
Even though the county’s chamber of commerce came out in favor of gambling, it seems many businesspeople decided a casino would not be in their interest. Members of the business community in Magong, Penghu’s only city, said they worried that the building of casinos would lead to the economic center of gravity shifting away from the capital.
Those who have doubted the strength and maturing of democracy in Taiwan should take comfort from the referendum result. Both sides, it seems, fought cleanly. And it is heartening that a disparate alliance could come together less than two months before polling day, and go on to defeat a better-funded faction that had years to prepare its case. After all, casinos were first mooted as a solution to Penghu's economic ills back in the 1980s.
The referendum’s outcome suggests that consent is not easy to manufacture, to adopt a phrase made famous by U.S. commentators Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman. It similarly indicates that Taiwan's civil society is healthy and that traditional “patronage politics”—rural networks through which grassroots leaders influence the way people vote, in return securing funds and benefits for their neighborhoods—may be declining in importance. The fact that many of the leaders in the anti-gambling faction hailed not from Penghu but other parts of the ROC seems not to have caused any resentment on the islands.
Taiwan, unlike Switzerland and certain U.S. states, does not have a well-established system for local and national referendums. But the Penghu gambling vote will perhaps be remembered as a watershed in the country's democratic development. It has emboldened social activists, and will no doubt cause those initiating infrastructure projects or legal changes to better explain to the electorate the pros and cons of what they are advocating.
—Steven Crook is a free-lance writer based in Tainan. These views are the author’s and not necessarily those of the “Taiwan Today.” Copyright © 2009 by Steven Crook
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